TO BE OR NOT TO BE: The Case for Republicanism
Dr. Kristina Hinds – Head of Dept. of Government, Sociology, Social Work Psychology, UWI, Cave Hill
Ambassador Anthony Hylton – M.P., Constitutional Reform Committee, Jamaica
I don’t have a classic definition of ‘republicanism’ but a quick scan of the literature
suggests that it, and I quote “stresses several key concepts – notably the
importance of civic virtue, the benefits of universal political participation, the
dangers of corruption, the need for separate powers within government, a
healthy reverence for the rule of law – and of paramount importance ‘political
liberty’.” These are not foreign concepts to us – at least theoretically.
However, for us – as a people – republicanism also marks the end of colonial
political governance that existed in various forms since the mid-sixteenth century.
The move to republic status is a feature of the decolonization process and
specifically part of the ongoing struggle of formerly colonized people in our
Caribbean to force Britain and other European powers to account for their roles in
the genocide of indigenous people, for the slave trade and chattel slavery in the
region – and the cruelty of extractive colonialism. A successful struggle for
republicanism affords us the moral authority to intensify the righting of historical
wrongs.
I see our move to republicanism as political advancement through constitutional
reform. I want to make a distinction between ‘becoming a republic’ and
‘republicanism’. The former – ‘becoming a republic’ is an integral component of
the latter – ‘republicanism’ – but may also have independent expression and
success.
The case for the Republic of Antigua and Barbuda can be demanded through what
I choose to label as ‘anti-monarchy’ nationalism. Proponents of this ideology
reject the basic reality that their ultimate Head of State is simultaneously the
Head of State of the country that committed genocide against the indigenous
peoples of our region and deemed guilty of the crimes against humanity of the
slave trade and slavery. It is also the country that subjected Asian citizens to a
deceptive indentureship that facilitated mass migration into the region.
The anti-monarchy nationalism rejects the concept of lineage rulership – as the
British monarchy – and condemns it as an outdated institution that at its core is
anti-democratic. The issue of race may be included in this purview in that it isdeemed historically appropriate, for we – as Africans in the Diaspora free
ourselves from white colonial rule.
I have no problem with ‘anti-monarchy’ nationalism. There is enough historical
evidence for its validity and viability as a political movement which at minimum
will yield decolonization of our governance systems – liberating us unto ourselves.
The main challenge for us here in Antigua and Barbuda – and several other
CARICOM States – is to achieve success in referenda that require a two-thirds
majority – a virtual impossibility without full ideological agreement and the
cooperation of both government and opposition political parties. The fact that
governments in some of our territories have declared for republicanism is not
enough. Decision-making paths are littered with suspicion, political opportunism,
political partisanship, human frailty, colonial indoctrination – and compounded by
the fact that material benefits are not immediately apparent. It is a difficult
concept for many in our money-worshiping societies to accept change without
immediate material benefits.
It is important therefore that we conceptualize republicanism beyond the ‘anti-
monarchy’ position. I think that there are two other components of the
decolonizing process that we must pay attention to immediately to make
republicanism possible and meaningful – they are 1) the decolonization of our
education systems and 2) the decolonization of the judicial systems.
The decolonization of our judicial system is of course our ascension to the
Caribbean Court of Justice. I remain fascinated that in absence of development
capital, many of our governments and people have paid for the provision of a
service and refuse to use it – for years. I think we enter the realm of political
schizophrenia when we talk of us being a republic, but our apex court is the
British Privy Council established around the time of emancipation to provide –
inter alia – judicial direction – in the interest of empire. I guess you can become a
republic without, what I have identified as elements of republicanism.
The movement to a republic must not only be addressed in our constitution issues
related to entrenched clauses, and governance structure/relationships.
Comprehensive constitutional reform must do more than address ‘mechanical’
issues like citizenship, organizational structure, voting rights, etc.; it must do more
in shaping our national psyche by the review and expansion of the protection of
individual fundamental rights and freedoms; its protestations against corruption
and the recognition of new challenges of climate change, sustainability,
globalization, and geopolitics.
Constitutional reform must also free the justice/legislative system of colonial
vestiges – like gender discrimination and capital punishment and flogging and
anti-obeah and weird anti-congregation vagrancy ‘watching and besetting’ laws.
I, however, think that the decolonization of our education system is critically
important in that new relevant content, and approaches are required by and in
our populations to help solve, or at least manage the challenges of twenty-first-
century globalization – one that has no regard for Black people or small islands.
Our education system is still colonial – or at least a tool of colonialism – exam
focused and very slow to react to the demands of nationhood and sustainable
development in today’s world. But it can’t plan for or teach for development that
is not socially and economically defined. Decolonization of education requires
support from our planning ministries – for both national planning and human
resource development – and critically from ministries of finance – for schools – at
all levels. Schools are going to need to be better supported and better staffed.
The disregard of history – of historical analysis of the struggles and sacrifices and
in some instances, the heroism of our African ancestors – that brought us here –
robs us of a centralizing force for both national and regional unity. The realization
that we are the result of our history and that in making history today, we are
shaping the history of our children and grandchildren – we must guide our policy
and programme decisions.
The critical path to Republic Antigua and Barbuda is political – party political – and
to traverse it requires mature democratic thinking and organization – and
negotiation skills – and sincere advocacy. Government must clearly define its
objectives and its reasoning for reaching to republic status. It has the additional
burden in this politically tribal society to prove that the move is not for personal
or party aggrandizement but in support of the vision of the majority of people in
the country – expressed either through national elections or special referenda.
Etc.
Dorbrene E. O’Marde
